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The Tufts Daily
Where you read it first | Thursday, November 14, 2024

Clarifying Israel's role in Lebanon

Recent Letters to the Editor printed in the Daily have compared Israel's role in southern Lebanon to the actions of Serbia in Kosovo and have called for NATO intervention in the conflict. Unlike Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic's brutal incursions into Kosovo in an effort to maintain a stronghold on the province, Israel's presence in southern Lebanon is strictly of a peace-keeping nature.

The Israel Defense Force (IDF), which sacrifices the lives of its soldiers to protect the civilians of northern Israel from terrorist bombings from southern Lebanon, has no expansionist designs on the land and the Israeli government has never sought to populate this area with its citizens. These distinctions make any comparisons to the Kosovo situation entirely inappropriate.

Major conflict arose between Israel and Lebanon in the early '80s when the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) was forced out of Jordan by the Jordanian monarchy and began to operate in southern Lebanon. At this time, Lebanon was divided by a civil war between Muslims and Christians and the government did not have the resources to control the growing PLO presence. When neighboring Syria sent its army into Lebanon to bring order to the country the PLO was once again ignored.

The PLO used its relative autonomy to repeatedly attack the cities and villages in northern Israel, killing increasing numbers of Israeli civilians. Eventually, with the casualties mounting, the Israeli army invaded Lebanon in an attempt to end the terrorist attacks and secure safety for its people. During the IDF's march to Beirut there were unfortunate civilian casualties, but the end of the terrorist bombings had finally given peace to northern Israel.

After 300 IDF soldiers had died and international efforts were made to ensure peace between the nations, Israel partially withdrew from Lebanon and has since occupied only a 15-kilometer-wide security zone in southern Lebanon with the cooperation of the Southern Lebanese Army (SLA). The SLA is comprised primarily of Lebanese Christians who oppose the majority Muslim government. Ongoing fighting between religious factions since the civil war has left residual tension and many Christians fear that an Israeli exit from the region would result in violent persecution of the Christian minority by Lebanese Muslims.

Israeli military and civilian leadership alike wish to withdraw fully from Lebanese territory. IDF soldiers continue to suffer under attacks from Hizbullah, another terrorist organization. Despite superior technology, the IDF's ability to retaliate is limited. The IDF can discern the origin of Hizbullah bombings but is hesitant to respond because Hizbullah guerrilla fighters are often stationed near civilian institutions such as hospitals and children's nurseries. Approximately 30 Israeli solders die annually in Lebanon and many others return home wounded.

During recent weeks, daily skirmishes between the IDF and Hizbullah have resulted in further death and destruction. On May 7, the Hizbullah sent bombs into the Galilee, killing an Israeli farmer in a blatant attack on civilians. Deaths on both sides cause Israel to examine its occupation of southern Lebanon, but the fact remains that there is no guarantee that terrorist attacks will cease following withdrawal.

Russia, Iran, and Syria provide the Hizbullah with Katyusha rockets and other munitions and no party has agreed to end the fighting after a full Israeli pull-out. Security assurances and safety for the SLA are the only primary conditions for withdrawal. Nevertheless, neither Lebanon nor the Syrian leadership which controls Lebanon, will negotiate a lasting peace agreement. In fact, when Israel offered full withdrawal, Syria refused to discuss Lebanon-related issues and would not allow Lebanon to negotiate with Israel without the inclusion of talks concerning Israel's return of the Golan Heights to Syria. This strategic area was annexed by Israel following a Syrian invasion of Israel in 1967. The Hizbullah itself has affirmed that it will continue its terrorist war against Israel even after a complete withdrawal of Israeli forces.

Milosevic considers Kosovo a part of Serbia and will stop at nothing to crush the Kosovo independence movement. Israel has no such determination. Instead, with a guarantee of peace, Israel would rejoice in an opportunity to leave Lebanon. This withdrawal cannot take place, however, without a basic assurance that the civilians in the Kibbutzim and villages of northern Israel will be safe from Hizbullah bombs.

Any comparison between the fighting in Kosovo and the conflict in northern Israel is unfounded in both historical fact and political reality. To understand the Israel-Lebanon conflict it is vital to recognize that Israel only took action in Lebanon in response to the intolerable killings of its civilians in the north. Additionally, Israel's past and current efforts to leave the region should not be ignored in an academic analysis of the situation. Milosevic has attacked innocent Kosovars and refuses to cede the Kosovo province. In Israel, the army is fighting to protect Israeli woman and children from Hizbullah attacks and, with an offer of security for the region, would eagerly remove all forces from southern Lebanon.